Urban commons in Romanian shrinking cities, the case of “Living Făgăraș” by Make Better.

Urban commons in Romanian shrinking cities, the case of “Living Făgăraș” by Make Better.

Decaying spaces matter: Empowering communities through urban regeneration.

 

The accumulation of demographic and economic decline in a city is an old phenomenon. It is its persistence in the long-term as well as a crisis of local public finance, which characterize the shrinking city. “Shrinking cities” challenge urban planning to imagine new ways of thinking deprived spaces, and thus become the place for innovative urban alternatives. Make Better is one of them.

Make Better (MKBT) tackles urban deprivation, housing, and decaying space through commons in Romania. It is an NGO and consultancy firm working toward virtuous urban (re)generation with cities, communities, politics. They enriched the Co-Cities research as their projects illustrate how initiatives could build a Co-City. It is now part of our online map, an open database identifying innovative urban projects across the world: link of MKBT project. MKBT’s project “lively Făgăraș” is one of them, implementing co-governance to activate underused spaces.

 

Empowering communities through urban regeneration

In Romania, some cities as Făgăraș lost 20-30% of their population. In that context, “urban regeneration” projects aim to make cities livable again, but it could also be a process that marginalizes communities already present. Therefore, Make Better develops the idea that abandoned or latent spaces have resources to offer and can respond to the community needs: it is just a matter of facilitating them.

It is in this state of mind that they co-organized the “Lively Făgăraș – Civic appropriation of derelict spaces in shrinking towns” project, to revitalize the area of Făgăraș. It was implemented between March 2021 and September 2022, in partnership with Făgăraș Country Community Foundation (FCCF). The role of communities is central in this project : a participatory mapping of underused spaces has been implemented, as well as several ideation workshops using gamestorming and other participatory methods, temporary events organized with the community to test some activation ideas, as well as co-governance structures were set up for a selected number of latent spaces.

From the design of interventions and events, towards their organization and on-site implementation, the local community is the most valuable resource and catalyser for both short-term and long-term transformations.” stated the “Lively Făgăraș” toolkit.

In Făgăraș, MKBT and their partners engage with local actors in all stages. They tried to make fun and attractive events, established and communicated “ground-rules” to develop a care attitude, and think their events as the most inclusive as they can (accessibility, topic of interest…). MKBT observed participation from deprived areas, which might also have been due to the location – next to the place they were living at – where people would feel welcomed. That is why housing and decaying space is a great tool for including marginalized groups: it is concrete and visible.

Regarding this very last point, the MKBT staff noted in an interview led by LabGov that there can be a sort of nostalgia about the glorious past of decaying cities. Thus, the organization thinks of memory as a tool for fighting negative impacts of shrinking cities. In Lively Făgăraș, old photos exhibitions conveying community memories, and stories of Făgăraș community and the Jewish legacy, were settled. Besides, gastronomic experiences linked to place memories were implemented. The goal remains the activation of space regarding community’s needs and experiences. Thereby, memory has a place in urban regeneration and constitute a community building tool.

Source : Blog – Încredere în Făgăraș (incredereinFăgăraș.ro)

 

Towards a Co-City?

“Lively Făgăraș” project led to write and specify a protocol, enhancing the shift from urban commons to the City as a Common.

“Lively Făgăraș” tested a collaborative process to engage citizens for discovering, thinking, and generating co-governance tools for giving life to otherwise abandoned spaces. Throughout the process, youth was deeply involved, and then ‘space ambassadors’ were identified, as civic groups or members of the community that are willing to contribute even more to revitalizing the targeted spaces. The steps are:

  • Discovery. It is the very first phase to identify deprived spaces and link them with community needs. Participatory mapping tools, mental maps, urban exploration in groups, walk along conversations with residents, urban education, questionnaires, interviews…
  • Ideation. How could such spaces be transformed and for whom? In this phase, game storming, brainstorming exercises, mental maps and facilitated discussions are led.

 

“Collaborative maps engaging youth to make and discuss places with reconversion potential and routes most used by themselves and local residents”.  Source : Screenshot ghid-Făgăraș-EN_AE.pdf (incredereinFăgăraș.ro)

 

  • Activation. This step is about concretely valorizing the space and empowering the community in the long-term. The method is to build urban furniture which allows to test various new site uses, to organize entertaining activities for various age groups to catalyze their engagement, revealing the history of the space… Temporary events are a key moment.
  • Co-governance. This very last step enables key stakeholders (owners, users, administrators) to get organized with roles and responsibilities, to take care of these spaces on the long term. Various forms of co-governance tools as contracts, partnership agreements, open letters of cooperation… can be implemented.

 

The process is composed of several steps, deeply detailed with very concrete tips and tools, available through an opensource. Such a protocol enables replicability and transmission of experiences to build the City as a Common. This enhances multiple governance experiments and participate to what LabGov named “Experimentalism”.  The different phases also recall and give strength to the first steps of the Co-City Cycle which compose the Co-City Protocol (Co-City Protocol | LabGov). In fact, it includes the cheap talking and mapping phase, which foster collective intelligence to activate space according to community needs, exactly as the “Living Făgăraș” protocol aims to.

Source: https://labgov.georgetown.edu/Co-City_Methodology/

 

In Făgăraș, MKBT tried to connect with local actors and already existing initiatives, as well as foreign organizations. They organized temporary events to get the community involved, and work with a large range of other actors: local restaurant, NGOs, museums, and community foundations already actives and sometimes engaged with high school. Their actions head towards the idea of implementing an eco-system of public, private, cognitive, social, and civic actors, the so-called quintuple helix[1] model as a tool for urban co-governance promoted by LabGov. An online platform, Trust Fagaras, was set up to

Among several sites identified and activates by the Living Făgăraș experiment, Comuniteca is a probating example of Co-governance. There is now a contract between the Senchea College and FCCF for the renovation and use of one classroom to host the Științescu STEM hub for kids and a coworking active community space. A volunteer-based workshop was held “to renovate and arrange the space for its new use, with financial and in-kind contributions mobilized by FCCF from the community and other international funds” (Source: MKBT).

Source: Housing Workshop In Făgăraș | Mkbt.

 

Although MKBT directly relates to the Common paradigm, the terminology of commons is not that much used in Romania. Thus, the only fact of creating temporary events and using deprived spaces has already pushed discussions toward co-governance. “Living Făgăraș” promotes an innovative vision of decaying spaces, in considering it as an opportunity instead of a loss, to foster civic participation, and empower youth and other community members. It reflects efforts made by actors in shrinking areas to reinvent urbanity and urban governance, toward a Co-City.

 

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References

[1]E. G. Carayannis, T. D. Barth, D. F. J. Campbell, The Quintuple Helix innovation model: global warming as a challenge and driver for innovation, Journal of Innovation and Entrepreneurship, n. 1/2012; C. Iaione, E. De Nictolis, La quintupla elica come approccio alla governance dell’innovazione sociale, in F. Montanari, L. Mizzau (eds.), I luoghi dell’innovazione aperta. Modelli di sviluppo territoriale e inclusione sociale, Torino, Fondazione G. Brodolini, 2016.

Club Cultural Matienzo (Buenos Aires, RA)

Club Cultural Matienzo (Buenos Aires, RA)

The Club Cultural Matienzo (CCM), initiated in 2008 is a space and a worker-managed cooperative (a hybrid between cooperative and private entrepreneurship) developed by the Matienzo team in the city of Buenos Aires in Argentina. This project was founded by 5 friends Juan Aranovich, Claudio Gorenman, Agustín Jais, Jon Pfennig, and Magalí Singerman who saw the need to promote culture and sport within the community to encourage and support young ones who had the flaming desire to pursue sports. The club serves 3 main purposes for the community:

Firstly, it serves as a venue for arts, community, and community life that hosts a daily program of activities in their 1000 square meters building. These activities consist of music, performance arts, literature, visual arts, cinema, design, education, workshops, an online radio station, a bar, and much more.  Secondly, it operates as a collective of creation. Matienzo is a team of 80 members that organize and host events, festivals, exhibitions, and other projects inside and outside Matienzo’s building. Finally, it is a big movement for change, and they view culture as an identity-building process that is capable of generating creative bonds, collective action, and social transformation and they promote a democratic and need/community-based vision of the culture.

Below is a colorful picture of Club Matienzowhich indeed signifies their mission.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The project commenced when a social need was identified and sought to be addressed through innovative art in Buenos Aires. Today, about 80 people co-manage the initiative. Not to even mention the numerous beneficiaries that have benefitted from this project in diverse ways. Between 3,000-3,500 people per week visit the site and it hosts 15 cultural and artistic activities and 12 workshops per week. Private funds (5% of CCM’s annual budget), public funds (5% to 8% of CCM’s annual budget), and (the remaining percentage, 90%) many of the activities developed in the building, such as food, tickets, workshops, renting the spaces and the studio, are all sources of income for the space’s economic sustainability. The project Matienzo is a partnership between private investors and an NGO. Although not every area manager is automatically an owner partner, owners are those who made personal financial contributions during the startup phase and are in positions of authority. Each participant makes a unique contribution. Some of them are paid for their job, but the majority (especially those who produce the materials) work together to complete tasks and are only given a minimal reimbursement for their expenses.

Club Matienzo supports other projects such as the “Abogados Culturales” (the lawyers for the culture, “Yo Reciclo” which is into recycling, “Di Sol” and many others. a member of numerous regional, international, and local networks devoted to culture, including the “MECA-Buenos Aires’ Movement of Culture and Art Spaces”18, a network/platform for cooperation between self-managed and artist-run cultural centers established in 2010 that drafted and promoted the “Ley de centros culturales” (Law on Cultural Centers) legislation.

The Club highlights 3 of the 5 design principles suggested by Foster & Iaione. The Social & Economic pooling element is highly seen and the element of Experimentalism is also visible. The element of Collective governance is reflected also but there is no presence of the government making it a cooperative governance model.

Below is a picture of the summary of the results where 1 signified Weak, 2 signifies Moderate and 3 signifies Strong.

 

 

Club Cultural Matienzo” intended to examine a model of shared and collaborative co-creation of the culture, with an emphasis on its birth, governance structure, and sustainability model. We can affirm that a business will be successful if it is founded on local needs, has a positive social influence on the community, helps those who are less fortunate, and offers top-notch cultural material. Regardless of the challenges it is currently facing or may face in the future, it is an innovative and inspiring piece of work. It has provided job opportunities for young people, a source of motivation to pursue dreams, and a space for networking and mentoring.

The City as a Commons 

The City as a Commons 

This chapter looks at how public policies have developed in a few places that allow both public and private players to jointly or cooperatively generate and then manage shared urban resources across the city. It gives varying definitions of collaboration and how much it has evolved from mere governance. Since it is unclear if the examples described in the chapter represent engaging ad hoc experiments, unconnected to a city’s everyday operations and administration, the compelling question is: whether these policies, institutional procedures, and social infrastructure can spread and scale throughout a city, supported by the public administration? Are there laws or practices that enable a city, or specific areas of a city, to function as an urban commons? 

Although this chapter contains seven sections, they are organized to enable the free flow of understanding. In this excerpt, two types of policies—declaratory and constitutive—are discussed concerning the establishment and maintenance of urban commons in local communities. Foster and Iaione explain that declaratory policies formally acknowledge the existence of locally controlled institutions or individually managed resources as urban commons. They support communities’ right to self-organize and fortify community efforts to collectively govern themselves. Declaratory policies may entail approving the collectively accepted social norms or the community’s contributions to the public good. The main examples of such policies are the cases of Naples and Barcelona. Local governments also have the power to contract with collectives, giving credibility and stability to their efforts and promoting similar projects around the city. Constitutive policies, on the other hand, adopt a more top-down strategy and seek to provide communities with the power to manage the city’s resources, infrastructure, and services. By providing new legal power or amending existing laws, these policies establish the necessary framework for cooperative government. The objective is to encourage the development of urban commons across the entire city. 

The early city policies identified in the chapter place a strong emphasis on agreements for cooperation as a form of group action and shared administration of urban resources. The first city to implement collaborative pacts was the Italian city of Bologna. The Co-Bologna initiative adopted a new regulatory framework for the urban commons to integrate other local public policies with the co-governance of urban resources using the same design principles. That regulation provided for citizens, social innovators, business owners, members of civic society, academic institutions, and the municipal administration to work together to define the governance of specific urban spaces and services. With additional sectors joining later, this strategy aimed to make the public sector and the unorganized public the main players in the collaborative process.  

The experimental process was called the Bologna Regulation, and the city used the Cities as a Commons project to carry it out. The project was supported by the Centro Antartide, a regional non-profit, the Fondazione del Monte di Bologna, and a group of legal and PR experts from the Labsus non-profit, where one of the authors of this book, Iaione, served as managing director. The first substantial regulatory innovation to encourage cooperation as a way of managing the city and its resources in Italy, Europe, and globally, this rule has won numerous awards. This prompted an analysis of the regulatory race toward the commons that carefully examined the regulation and its goals. Later, LabGov researchers evaluated to arrive at the Bologna rule, analyzing the first many partnership pacts were analyzed using both quantitative and qualitative methodologies (De Nictolis & Pais, 2018). 

Seoul, the capital of South Korea, also implemented a similar approach through its Seoul Sharing City policy. That policy, initiated in 2011 and still ongoing, promotes the sharing and collaborative economy at the city and district levels. It included the enactment of the Seoul Metropolitan Government Ordinance on the Promotion of Sharing and supporting various sharing-based services, such as car sharing, bike sharing, meal sharing, and housing sharing. The policy evolved through three phases, focusing on expanding users’ access to the sharing economy, consolidating international standing, and catalyzing efforts to turn residents into proactive actors in co-producing sharing economy services. 

Other cities’ adoption of the Bologna Regulation has sparked a regulatory arms race without taking Bologna’s lessons into account. While some Italian localities adopted the rule without question, others adopted it more cautiously. The Bologna experiment piqued the interest of cities like Amsterdam, Ghent, and Madrid, which tailored it to their circumstances. Madrid adopted a law that is very similar to the Bologna rule, while Ghent created its common governance principles. Participatory methods have a history in Ghent, which is now working on pilot programs to support citizen-led initiatives. The objective is to establish a cooperative relationship between the city and its citizens for the management of urban commons. 

The declaratory approach acknowledges the right of the community to self-organize and exert control or management of important resources for local communities. This manifests through two types of practices or policies: urban civic uses and civic management. Urban civic uses include “use rights” belonging to the members of a given community over public or private property (Casprini et al; 2023). These policies allow communities to self-organize, be proactive, and manage a local public service that they need. Civic management policies, also known as civic stewardship, allow assets to be stewarded by non-governmental organizations and community organizations that protect, manage, observe, inform the public, promote, and alter their local ecological and socioeconomic surroundings (Caggiano et al; 2022). 

Blending The Constitutive And Declaratory Approaches 

Although different cities have adopted different legal approaches, the chapter points out that the Co-City Turin project, sponsored by the UIA initiative, embraced a new version of the “Regulation on Governing the urban commons in the City of Turin”. The New Turin Regulation’s innovation is its endorsement of two forms of co-governance for urban commons: shared governance and self-governance.  

Both constitutive and declaratory approaches cannot stand alone but instead are interdependent and interrelated for supporting the urban commons in the Italian system and globally if it is adapted to suit the city or communities’ context. It is necessary to acknowledge the role of partnership alongside blending and working with these policies and regulations. Both are vital in managing urban commons in the general, public, and common interest. This chapter has provided various examples of cities that are experimenting with different legal tools that enable and empower urban communities to utilize city resources and infrastructure to collectively create and sustain different forms of urban commons. The subsequent chapter will examine whether the suggested legal tools are enough to promote the reduction of power asymmetries in the city and to enable urban communities to leverage legal and financial mechanisms that ensure the sustainability of urban commons and the survival and flourishing of the communities relying on them. 

With the agreements for cooperation supported by the Co-City Turin project sponsored by the UIA initiative. 

 

Short List of References  

Casprini, D.; Oppio, A.; Torrieri, F. Usi Civici: Open Evaluation Issues in the Italian Legal Framework on Civic Use Properties Land 2023, 12, 871. https://doi.org/ 10.3390/land12040871 

Caggiano, H; Landau Laura F.; Campbell, Lindsay K.; Johnson, Michelle L.; Svendsen Erika S.: Civic Stewardship and Urban Climate Governance: Opportunities for Transboundary Planning, 2022 

Pais, I., & nictolis, E. D. (2018). Valutare una politica pubblica urbana sui beni comuni. La valutazione dei patti di collaborazione approvati per effetto del regolamento per la cura e rigenerazione dei beni comuni urbani di Bologna. In La Co-Città. Diritto urbano e politiche pubbliche per i beni comuni e la rigenerazione urbana. (pp. 203-242) 

 

Author: Benedicta Quarcoo 

One-on-one conversation with Professor Sheila Foster about the Co-Cities book

One-on-one conversation with Professor Sheila Foster about the Co-Cities book

Welcome to our CO-Cities book blog, readers. 

 

This post features a one-on-one conversation with Professor Sheila Foster, co-author of the Co-Cities book and co-director of LabGov, a scientific and applied research laboratory in multiple cities.

Let’s get started.

 

  1. What inspired you to write this book about co-cities? 

Foster stated that the inspiration to write Co-cities arose from working with Professor Christian Iaione, co-director of LabGov, as they investigated the idea of the city as a “shared infrastructure” or a commons. She stated: “Working with LabGov in Bologna, seeing how they regulated and developed the city, inspired me. We then went on to host a gathering in Bologna and later in Bellagio at the Rockefeller Foundation. In Bellagio, we invited various representatives from cities across America and Europe to workshop the co-city framework. Clearly, this framework could be effectively used to motivate other cities. I then was inspired to bring it to the U.S.”

 

  1. How do you balance being a mother, a mentor, a researcher, and a writer?

When asked how she copes and balances her life being a lecturer, a mother, a researcher, a writer, a community builder, and a mentor to many, she smiled and happily responded that service is something that she enjoys doing. She also explained that she is currently involved in applying the co-city framework in Baton Rouge, Louisiana:

“As part of a co-city project in Baton Rouge in the U.S. South, I’m usually not on the ground but meet with the local actors on Zoom. We have a project manager that travels to Baton Rouge and is on the ground. I make time for travel, conferences, research, papers, articles, and writing during breaks because we do not teach all year round. As well as being a member of the New York City Mayor panel on Climate Change, I also advise and support grassroots community groups.” She stresses that the co-city model is highly practical and poses the question of how to assist vulnerable communities with becoming net-zero and making a successful transition. This framework provides a pathway towards climate neutrality, sustainability, and just transitions, as well as reducing energy costs. She says that no institution alone can make this happen, yet it is possible by implementing larger policies from higher levels of government. For example, the US’s Inflation Reduction Act means incentives are available at an individual and household level, as well as at the community, local, and state government levels. It is necessary to consider how to facilitate these funds reaching those who need them most – through solar panel installation, creative community solar projects, or networked microgrids.

 

  1. How does the co-city paradigm differ from traditional conceptions of cities (give me an example)?

Urban theorists have come up with various models and frameworks to guide cities in the desired direction. The Co-city book discusses “Creative Cities”, “Smart Cities”, and “Right to the City” approaches, among others. Foster elaborates on Richard Florida’s model wherein cities should be a hub for educated and innovative minds in the tech, knowledge, and healthcare domains; an idea that is similar to what former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg has said, “capital follows talent”. Urban Agglomeration is one result of people’s movement into cities as per economic theory which entails the concentration of knowledge actors learning from each other. The book also discusses the Smart City concept which sees the city as a platform for the greatest technologies meant to improve every area of city functioning. The Co-city paradigm takes it further by focusing on “The Right to the City” idea – redirecting these innovations to help disadvantaged regions/communities become empowered.

The co-city concept is also rooted more in the “right to the city” and Owen Hatherley’s “Rebel City”. These concepts have grown in popularity in Latin America and Europe. In this framework, everyone has a right to physically participate in the governance of their city—especially those who are usually left out. The difference between the two stages of the conceptualization is that the “right to the city” has been challenged in its implementation in Latin America, in particular, due to rising land prices. The co-city, on the contrary, offers responsive prototypes and tools like community land trusts, limited equity cooperatives, and wireless energy networks that can create an environment allowing residents to co-govern their neighborhoods while attending to rising land values. It is this practicality that distinguishes it from other conceptualizations.

 

  1. Can you give me some examples of co-cities in action? 

Foster mentioned Baton Rouge as the second largest metropolitan area in the state of Louisiana- a racially and economically stratified city populated by blacks, Latinos, and many living in poverty. The area of the city LabGov is working in is predominantly black and poor and is an “infrastructure desert”, lacking good sidewalks, traffic lights, green space, adequate housing, and small businesses. It is filled with vacant lots. At the same time, it is near “Cancer Alley” in Louisiana, a stretch of the Mississippi River between New Orleans and Baton Rouge with a heavy concentration of petrochemical facilities.  Foster was invited into Baton Rouge to apply the co-city model to bring together, and pool resources, from a wide network of stakeholders such as local redevelopment authorities, local innovators and entrepreneurs, civic groups, private industries, foundations, both local and national, and others. “Co-City Baton Rouge” (CCBR) is focused on a 4-mile area of the city which, as described above, is in dire need of innovative approaches to urban revitalization. JPMorgan Chase Bank has provided funding to CCBR, which is part of a larger collaborative working in the area, including the local redevelopment agency, community and civic organizations, and community development financial institutions. CCBR has co-designed and is implementing prototypes that will provide goods and services—such as entrepreneurial spaces, high-speed internet, green space, and housing— tailored specifically for that community. A notable prototype is an eco-park that could address flooding issues while providing green space. It was co-designed with local authorities, residents, and a design studio at a local university.  The park, using vacant lots, will provide residents with safe spaces to recreate, a place to put a new bus stop, and offers a green infrastructure to ensure climate resiliency. The eco-park will be managed and paid for by the city’s park agency but will be held by the Community Land Bank and Trust (CLBT) which Foster created for the project and which will hold properties until they are redeveloped. Eventually, the CLBT will contain a food incubator cooperative helping people from food trucks create sustainable businesses as well. A number of other projects have been launched in other parts of the world, including Hong Kong, Sao Paolo, and Costa Rica. Understanding the context is crucial if the co-city framework is to function in a city, as it isn’t a cut-and-paste operation, and what worked in one city might not work in the other due to a variety of factors including location, culture, and governance model.

 

  1. What can be done to adapt co-city models to different cultures and contexts? 

In her opinion, the co-city model must be tailored to the place, the politics, and the culture of the area. The principles of the co-cities have been designed to allow actors to come together, map out resources, and prototype. Only democratic cultures and governance systems may be able to implement the co-city model, which is experimental and adaptive.

 

  1. Which lessons can be learned from successful cases or examples around the world? 

In an answer to this question, Foster proposed that much can be learned from specific applications of the co-city approach. These examples require local residents, officials, and different sectors to contemplate how the approach can be rooted in a specific place and context. One of the things that Foster and LabGov researchers and practitioners are exploring now is whether the co-city approach can help promote energy democracy, energy justice, or even climate justice in places like the U.S., Sub-Saharan Africa, or Latin America. Further research needs to be conducted to determine its suitability for various cities. It will be a great advantage if some cities begin employing the co-city governance model ensuring consistency. This can act as a learning experience and enable experimental-based exploration by everyone involved.

 

  1. What elements of the Co-cities book did you think received more attention for you to win the Prose 2023 award? 

Foster believes that the Co-cities book’s nomination for the 2023 Prose Award was a result of its combination of theoretical background, practical illustrations, and empirical research. She revealed that it took 550 examples from 200 cities to create their co-city survey, believing that it is a novel approach within academic literature. Another aspect contributing to its practicality was the collaborations and dialogues of various players involved. She expressed great joy with the number of positive reactions she has been receiving, highlighting how the process was a long yet affectionate endeavour.

 

 

Author: Benedicta Quarcoo

The City as a Commons 

The Urban Commons

The second chapter of the Co-city book is initiated by recalling Elinor Ostrom’s revolutionary studies of natural resource commons (Ostrom 1990), posing the question:

Are there groups of residents and/or resource users who are willing and able to organize themselves, work together to establish rules for sharing resources, and monitor themselves in the absence of external authority or externally imposed regulations?

The definite answer given by the authors of the Co-cities book is yes, considering the several empirical analysis and observations conducted in about 200 cities across the globe. This is reflected in many forms: from simple community mesh wireless networks to urban villages or parks. Usually, organized community groups or associations of users and or residents come together to manage and or co-create community resources.

The writers go ahead to apply Ostrom’s analytical framework to urban resources in cities. Ostrom’s design principles are seen to be most relevant in the management of many kinds of public and shared resources in a city but Foster and Iaione give evidence according to which these principles may not work in the exact same way outside the city.

Thus, chapter 2 offshoots Ostrom in the City.

OSTROM IN THE CITY

This part exposes readers to how much Ostrom’s design principles and observations are either applicable, of limited utility, or need to be modified to the current urban context. Instances such as community size and cohesion, shared social norms, social capital, community homogeneity, the scale of resources, and the recognition and support of central authorities and external actors all play a significant role in a community’s capacity to manage a shared resource collectively and sustainably over time.

It is quite significant, for example, to not undermine or disregard the role of central authority in the creation and sustainability of the urban commons. Since the State cannot be disregarded in the management and regulation of urban resources, sometimes collective natural resources demand a certain level of legal and property modification. Thus, a larger group of urban residents, many of whom are on the social and economic periphery of expanding cities gain access to these services. The benefit of the State’s effort to bridge the gap between the marginalized and the elite is partly bridged.

GOVERNING GREEN URBAN COMMONS

Another example regards “Urban Green Commons”, whose management considers them as urban ecological resources, such as lakes or urban parks. They are meant to promote social integration and enhance social networks in crowded, diverse, and frequently socially stratified metropolitan contexts. As much as they are beneficial to residents, they tend to be vulnerable and one way to tackle it is through collective action.

For instance, quoting: “Ostrom’s framework for the study of the commons in cities has been applied by researchers who have looked at ecological resources like lakes, rivers, and forests that urban local communities use for traditional cultural and economic uses and/or recent urban migrants use for aesthetic and recreational purposes” (D’Souza and Nagendra 2011).

ENABLING URBAN COMMONS

The following section focuses on all levels of support from the various actors and how their roles are significant to the management of urban commons. These kinds of cooperation take the legal or institutional form of agreements or partnerships between local government and the association of residents that have set up an asset, for instance, agreements like the one between the city of New York and the Central Park Conservancy serve to formalize the parameters of the conservancy’s responsibility for the day-to-day management of the park as well as to establish important norms regarding the limits of the group’s responsibility for the resource, such as reverse crowd-out protection that ensures public funds won’t be replaced by private donations.

Despite strong social links and cooperative activities, these efforts might not be successful or long-lasting if local, but also central, governments and their programs.

Other forms of enabling thus include partnerships between local businesses, property owners, and local governments established to manage the neighborhood commons, special institutions arrangements, hence, in most cases, public-private partnerships.

BOTTOM-UP VERSUS TOP-DOWN URBAN COMMONS

A top-down, institutionalized, state-enabled form of collective resource governance is initiated and comes into being only through government authority or action, especially in cases such as large park conservancies and BIDs. Yet for most urban commons, a bottom-up approach is used and as such needed, and these initiatives are made by locals or resource users who are driven to work together to create new goods and services that many urban areas lack or find inaccessible to overcome traditional collective action challenges. Citizens and community-led associations and groups identify opportunities within the community such as vacant land spaces, abandoned parks, and forest reserves. They then ensure that the local government’s attention is drawn to this. The bottom-up approach, fostering what is called public-private-community partnership, comes with challenges but is appropriate for the urban commons and encourages both collective action and an enabling State.

COMMONING IN THE CITY

This part characterizes commoning as a bottom-up technique of cooperatively generating or constructing resources that can be shared with others and that satisfy precise user needs. Commoning patterns and practices vary naturally based on the resource, the type of user community, and the social or cultural context. Both a resource and a community are requisite in this case to co-manage, steward, and cater for assets and services over a longer period.

LEGAL AND PROPERTY ADAPTATION

Indeed, the enterprise is not easy.

The cost and accessibility of urban land and infrastructure are noted as what precisely makes the development of new types of shared and jointly managed urban products hard. Legal and Property adaptation exposes how urban communities and “commoners” are striving to change the legal status of the land and structures they use and/or occupy to take ownership of them.  Alternative solutions are available, for example by using legal and property tools such as community land trusts (CLTs) or limited equity cooperatives (LECs).  CLTs are created to enable communities to self-govern and care for urban land and structures, keeping them accessible and affordable for future users. Gray, 2008 states that the essence of land trusts is to promote affordable home ownership and local control of the land. The International Community of Economics (ICE) describes CLTs as a private nonprofit corporation established to purchase and keep land for the benefit of a community and to provide community inhabitants with safe, affordable access to land and homes. CLTs can scale through networking with the support of local policies and public resources. The intent is to protect the community at a neighborhood level: nested urban commons.

CONCLUSION

This last portion of the second chapter is dedicated to numerous examples of community land trusts, how they work, when they were initiated, and the numerous benefits it has had on the residents in various parts of the US. This signifies that there are communities that have the capacity to organize, co-create, co-share, and co-produce assets and services that are beneficial to them. They also act as stewards to safeguard and protect these social amenities through the zeal of ownership. The bottom-up approach establishes the concept of the commons considering its participatory approach and collective action by all stakeholders. The legal factor is also upheld where necessary according to the context of the society or community. The pursuit of urban commons transcends theory.

Short References

Bunce, Mel. (2015). International news and the image of Africa: New storytellers, new narratives?

D’Souza R, Nagendra H. Changes in public commons as a consequence of urbanization: the Agara lake in Bangalore, India. Environ Manage. 2011 May;47(5):840-50. doi: 10.1007/s00267-011-9658-8. Epub 2011 Mar 23. PMID: 21431444.

Institute for Community Economics. (1982). The Community land trust handbook.

Emmaus, Pennsylvania: Rodale Press

 

Gray, Karen. (2008). Community Land Trusts in the United States. Journal of Community Practice. 16. 65-78. 10.1080/10705420801977999.

 

Foster & Iaione Probe Commoning in the City

Foster & Iaione Probe Commoning in the City

Sheila R. Foster and Christian Iaione have been recently guests of David Bollier on his podcast “Frontiers of Commoning” (episode 37). The interview was an opportunity to present their last publication, “Co-Cities: Innovative Transitions Toward Just and Self-Sustaining Communities”, discussing the recent developments of their studies and remembering previous achievements. In this regard, it was very interesting to hear about the “Bologna Regulation for the Care and Regeneration of Urban Commons”, a formal legal and bureaucratic system for coordinating citizen collaboration with the city government, developed by professor Iaione.

Leveraging citizen energies coordinating it in an horizontal relationship with governments, civic and private players and knowledge institutions is also the core principle of  “LabGov  – the Laboratory for the Governance of the City as a Commons, which in Bollier’s opinion represents a virtuous example of a new form of civic collaboration.

Different urban settings lead to different possible ways to build urban commons, this was the following topic discussed, this meaning that taking into account the specific uniqueness of every urban context is the only way to create a socially balanced and inclusive contest. A larger conceptual able to embrace different histories and personalities, which Foster and Iaione call “co-city protocol”:  knowing, mapping, practicing, prototyping, testing, and modelling are its elements.

Iaione particularly stressed out the point of testing affirming that despite failure is always behind the corner in this type of projects, it doesn’t have to be a brake but an incentive. In fact, failure in the end has led to the “neighborhood-based energy co-ops” in Italy and elsewhere in Europe, giving communities a crucial role in the decision making process about energy production and distribution.

 

At this link you can find the podcast conversation:

https://david-bollier.simplecast.com/episodes/christian-iaione-sheila-foster-on-urban-commoning-initiatives

And here you can find a blog on the conversation, by David Bollier:

https://www.bollier.org/blog/foster-iaione-probe-commoning-city