by Valeria Lembo | Sep 18, 2024 | Blog, Co-Cities Stories
Innovative solutions to sanitation problems in urban slums. Pune, India
The SHWAAS project is an initiative by CHF India, a non-profit organization active for over 11 years, dedicated to improving sanitation conditions in poor urban communities in India. Specifically, the project was launched in May 2012 in Pune, one of the major cities in Maharashtra, with the aim of addressing the severe problems related to access to sanitation services in urban slums. SHWAAS was funded with 1 million euros by the European Commission and partnered with the Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC), the government body responsible for managing public services in the city.
Context and motivations behind the project
In India, both urban and rural poor communities face enormous difficulties in accessing basic sanitation services. This issue is particularly acute in slums, informal settlements characterized by a chronic lack of infrastructure. Even where public sanitation facilities exist, they are often inadequately maintained, contributing to poor sanitary conditions with serious repercussions on public health.
SHWAAS was created with the aim of improving access to sanitation services in the urban poor communities of Pune and empowering residents to take charge of the management and maintenance of sanitation facilities. CHF India worked closely with the PMC, which was responsible for constructing community toilet blocks, while CHF focused on community mobilization and capacity building.
Project goals and strategies
The SHWAAS project had three main objectives: building and renovating sanitation facilities, mobilizing the local community, and enhancing the capacities of both residents and local authorities.
1. Construction and renovation: The goal was to improve sanitation infrastructure in 100 slums in Pune. The PMC was responsible for constructing the facilities, while CHF led the community engagement process. However, construction proved particularly problematic due to bureaucratic delays and management issues. Residents and social workers could report faults or maintenance requests, but solutions were often slow to come. By the end of the project, only 25% of the funds earmarked for the construction and maintenance of sanitation facilities had been utilized.
2. Community mobilization: Another key aspect of the project was active community involvement. CHF believed that long-term sustainability of sanitation interventions could only be guaranteed if slum residents actively participated in the creation and management of the facilities. For this reason, CHF social workers worked to create “Shwaas Samities,” health committees composed of 6-10 members. However, at first, residents were reluctant to participate, given PMC’s reputation for initiating projects that were not fully completed. Through ongoing dialogue with slum leaders, CHF managed to reduce this reluctance and promote community participation.
3. Capacity building: CHF organized workshops for PMC officials and Shwaas Samity members to raise awareness of the sanitation issues faced by slum residents daily. The idea was that a better understanding of local needs by public authorities could facilitate the resolution of sanitation issues and improve the management of the facilities.
Project outcomes and challenges
While SHWAAS led to some improvements, the project faced significant obstacles, particularly due to PMC’s bureaucratic inefficiencies and the local government’s limited capacity to respond quickly to residents’ needs. By the end of the project, about half of the Shwaas Samities were able to continue the activities independently, but long-term success will largely depend on PMC’s commitment to maintaining and managing the sanitation facilities.
Community involvement was one of the project’s most positive aspects. CHF worked with local leaders and social workers to raise awareness among residents about the impacts of poor hygiene and to promote a sense of collective responsibility in managing infrastructure. However, the community-based approach, which required strong collaboration between residents and public authorities, was not successfully implemented in all areas involved. In many cases, residents continued to rely on local authorities to resolve sanitation issues, and their requests often went unaddressed.
Governance and participation elements
The project followed a multi-stakeholder approach, involving three of the five actors in the quintuple helix: citizens, NGOs, and public authorities. CHF India collaborated with other local NGOs, such as SWaCH, which specializes in waste management, to support the health committees in the slums. Slum residents were involved from the start of the project, participating in numerous meetings with public authorities to discuss the sanitation problems in their communities. The PMC, though formally involved, often encountered bureaucratic difficulties that slowed down its effectiveness.
Social and economic pooling
Another key principle of the project was “social and economic pooling,” which encouraged collective responsibility in managing sanitation services. Although SHWAAS aimed to transfer infrastructure management to residents, in practice, this transition did not fully occur, as the local government remained the primary provider of sanitation services. Nevertheless, CHF and local NGOs succeeded in promoting greater awareness of sanitation issues within communities, fostering active resident involvement.
Conclusions and future prospects
The SHWAAS project represented an important step towards improving access to sanitation services in Pune’s slums. Community involvement, collaboration with local NGOs, and funding from the European Commission made it possible to implement tangible interventions in nearly 100 communities. However, the project revealed its limitations, primarily related to local bureaucracy and the lack of innovations. The future of the progress made will depend on the local government’s ability to continue supporting the initiatives started and ensuring the effective management of sanitation infrastructure.
by Valeria Lembo | Jul 22, 2024 | Blog, Co-Cities Stories
The Fujisawa Sustainable Smart Town (FSST) project was initiated by Panasonic Corporation to develop a sustainable and technologically advanced residential community, addressing the needs of the Japanese market with an aging population and a declining electronics market. Started in 2012, following the closure of a 19-hectare industrial complex in Fujisawa in 2008, FSST saw its first residents move in by 2014. By 2018, 600 smart houses and 400 small apartments had been completed.
The “Fujisawa Model” reverses the traditional smart city approach, focusing on residents’ lifestyles in terms of energy, mobility, and wellness. Key project goals include reducing CO2 emissions by 70% compared to 1990, reducing water consumption by 30% compared to 2006, and sourcing at least 30% of total energy consumption from renewable sources. FSST also aims to maintain urban life during severe natural disasters.
To achieve these goals, five main services and projects were identified:
1. Energy: Use of renewable sources and advanced technologies for energy management and generation.
2. Security: Creation of a “virtually fenced city” with monitoring.
3. Mobility: Promotion of car-free mobility with sharing services and charging points for electric vehicles.
4. Wellness: Support for healthy lifestyles with health information, urban gardens, and sports facilities.
5. Community: Creation of a cohesive social community with digital and non-digital solutions.
Project governance is managed by three main bodies: the FSST Council, responsible for strategic and financial matters; the FSST Management Company, which handles operational activities; and the SST Committee, which includes residents and serves as a forum for co-creation and feedback.
In summary, FSST is an innovative example of integrating advanced technologies and sustainability to create a resilient and cohesive urban community, addressing contemporary Japan’s economic and social challenges.
Theoretical Framework of Co-Cities and Research Question
3.1 Theoretical Framework of Co-Cities
The co-cities framework is inspired by Elinor Ostrom’s concept of commons, adapted to the urban context. Ostrom demonstrated that communities could sustainably manage commons, characterized by rivalry and non-excludability, through eight key principles and a polycentric governance involving various independent governmental entities. A common good is defined as a shared resource institutionally managed by community members.
The co-cities concept is based on five design principles:
1. Collective Governance: Presence or absence of community-organized governance institutions.
2. Enabling State: The state’s role as a facilitator of collective action.
3. Social and Economic Pooling: Forms of economic pooling.
4. Experimentation: Adaptive and iterative institutional design.
5. Technological Justice: Access to technology and digital infrastructure to facilitate collaboration.
Analysis of Design Principles
Collective Governance of FSST
The Fujisawa Sustainable Smart Town (FSST) project aims to create a smart and sustainable city, predominantly driven by Panasonic with minimal participation from community groups and public authorities. Panasonic has invested about $580 million and maintains a predominant role in strategic decisions. The community was selected based on high financial capacity, with residents having little influence over strategic decisions. Public authorities had a limited, primarily advisory role, and the project is entirely financed by Panasonic. Project governance is heavily skewed towards private interests, with little public and community representation.
Social and Economic Pooling
In FSST, the sharing economy leans more towards access than social and economic pooling. Renewable energy storage batteries are shared operationally, without common ownership. Car sharing and bike sharing services are available for a fee, reflecting a weak sharing economy. Additionally, there is a resident assistance platform based on non-monetized mutual support rather than direct economic transactions.
Enabling State
The enabling state in FSST plays a marginal role, providing general conditions rather than active participation in governance. Japanese government policies support smart cities as part of economic renewal strategy, but direct state intervention is limited.
Experimentation
FSST stands out for its experimentation, characterized by a clear model and framework, implementation strategies, and various innovative projects. While this approach is replicable in similar contexts, it is limited by Japan’s unique context and a focus on specific goals rather than managing urban commons.
Technological Justice
Regarding technological justice, FSST ensures equitable access to digital services for all residents, without evident digital divides due to widespread technology adoption. However, the digital infrastructure is exclusively owned by Panasonic, not the community, limiting the degree of technological justice.
Conclusion
The Fujisawa Sustainable Smart Town (FSST) project raises concerns about urban commons management, highlighting a private sector-dominated smart city model. The FSST case analysis suggests the project focuses on monetizing shared resources, favoring a “new urbanism” characterized by individualization and reduced collective actions, as described by David Harvey. The city favors privatized access to resources, supported by a wealthy demographic and lacking open discussions on social inequality. The “virtually fenced city” emphasizes security at the expense of diversity and public participation.
Scholars like Ranchordás emphasize that without strong public oversight, smart cities become more corporatized, outsourcing public tasks and neglecting social rights and political citizenship. An example is Alphabet’s project in Toronto, where corporations control urban planning and data, limiting city autonomy. In contrast, Barcelona represents a positive model with its ethical digital standards and promotion of collective well-being.
The FSST case demonstrates that corporate dominance can limit inclusive and sustainable policies in smart cities. It is essential to balance corporate power with public involvement to meet collective needs and promote social and economic well-being. The future of smart cities must be guided by an integrated vision, avoiding paths that prioritize private economic interests over the community.
by dianafilomeni | Jul 8, 2024 | Blog, Co-Cities Stories
Revitalizing “Espacio Verde”- an urban commons initiative.
By Vittoria Valletta & Diana Filomeni.
The concept of the urban commons has been extensively discussed in academic circles, particularly following Elinor Ostrom’s principles of collective resource management (Ostrom, 1990). Furthermore, recent studies emphasize the role of the urban commons in enhancing democratic participation and social equity in urban settings (Iaione and Foster, 2016).
This chapter builds on these foundations, exploring how the principles of the urban commons are applied in the Ciudad Luz project. It is focused on identifying key elements of the project’s success, including stakeholder collaboration, economic and social pooling mechanisms, and the integration of technology in governance processes.
In fact, The Ciudad Luz (City of Light) project, inspired by the Fundación Parque Cuscatlán, in San Salvador, serves as paradigmatic example of urban commons transition, integrating community-led initiatives with support from governmental and private sectors. Furthermore, many urban areas worldwide face challenges related to safety, inclusivity, and sustainability. That’s why the project was conceived as a response to those challenges faced by urban areas in San Salvador, including safety concerns, lack of community spaces, and economic issues. In this regard, the primary objective is to reclaim these public spaces for the community, turning them into areas of social interaction, cultural exchange, and economic activity.
Therefore, San Salvador’s local government, once passive, became pivotal enabler for Espacio Verde, recognizing the potential of urban commons to enhance city life, local authorities transformed from regulatory overseers to active partners. The evolution was marked by substantial allocation of resources, including financial investment and the designation of land specifically for project use, which underscored the commitment to long-term sustainability of these spaces. Furthermore, the government implemented policy adjustments that supported community governance of public resources, establishing a durable legal framework that acknowledged communal rights over public assets.
At the heart of Ciudad Luz was its innovative approach to social and economic pooling, fostering community ownership and management. In fact, this paradigm shift facilitates not just a physical transformation of spaces but also a social revitalization where local communities were intricately involved in the management of these newly transformed public areas, fostering a profound sense of ownership and accountability. Interestingly, economic activation of these spaces proved vital; pop-up markets, cultural events, and community became bustling centers of activity, providing not only social value but also economic opportunities, particularly benefiting women and young generation. Moreover, integrating social programs like job training and educational workshops directly addressed issues of unemployment and education.
The project’s success was further amplified by its experimental and context-specific approach to urban development, where each intervention was uniquely tailored to the cultural and social fabric of the neighborhood, ensuring relevancy, and enhancing community acceptance. For example, areas with robust artistic communities might feature enhanced public art installations, whereas others might focus on sports facilities or parks, depending on local needs and interests. Therefore, sustainable practices were a cornerstone of the project, with initiatives ranging from the use of recycled materials and solar panels to rainwater harvesting systems, which not only served the practical purpose of sustainability but also acted as educational tools for the community, promoting environmental stewardship.
Moreover, one key innovative aspect of Ciudad Luz was its commitment to tech justice, ensuring that technology enhanced inclusivity and participation. In fact, the project utilized digital tools to foster engagement and maintain a transparent dialogue with the community. In this regard, different tools were used to, for instance, report issues on public spaces easily, while community event schedules and project updates were made available on dedicated website and interactive maps.
Additionally, efforts were made to ensure these digital tools were accessible to everyone, including those with limited technological skills or access, through community training sessions and public access points.
by dianafilomeni | Jun 7, 2024 | Blog, Co-Cities Stories
By Diana Filomeni
This Chapter will focus on “Emerald Climate Hub” (Zimbabwe) project, a visionary initiative that began reshaping the narrative of climate action and community empowerment. With the pressing issues of deforestation and climate change at its core, this youth-led project embarked on a mission to innovate sustainable solutions and champion the voices of African communities.
The Mission of the Emerald Climate Hub is to amplify African voices in the fight against climate change by integrating innovative technologies with grassroots activism. It also aims to reduce dependency on traditional biomass for cooking and heating by introducing biogas solutions that can provide clean renewable energy. Furthermore, the initiative seeks to mitigate the effects of deforestation and enhance local environments through sustainable practices and reforestation effects.
The concept of enabling state within the project is characterized by the recognition and informational support provided by the government, despite the lack of direct financial backing. While the state’s role is minimal, it is crucial in legitimizing the project and enhancing its attractiveness to other stakeholders, such as private investors and international NGOs.
However, without state funding, the project has creatively pooled resources from various nongovernmental sources and harnessed the power of community contribution. For example:
– International and local NGO Support: by leveraging connections with various NGOs, the project secures funding and resources necessary for its operations.
– Community contribution: local communities contribute not just labor but also local materials and knowledge to the biogas project, which does help to reduce costs and increases community investment in the success of the projects.
– Crowdfunding and Fundraising: innovative fundraising campaigns, both locally and online, attract small-scale donations that collectively help to sustain the project’s activities.
Furthermore, experimentalism in the Emerald Climate Hub is evident through its pilot biogas project and application of new technologies in “real-world context”. In fact, it serves as a test case for the viability of biogas technology in local settings, allowing the project team to gather data, learn from its application and make necessary adjustments.
Partnering with universities, such as “University of Zimbabwe” , enables the project to utilize academic research and development capabilities to innovate and improve biogas technology.
Moreover, the project actively incorporated feedback from community members to continually refine and adapt its approaches to better meet local needs.
Tech justice within the Hub focuses on ensuring equitable access to technology development and used by the project itself. While initially weak, eLorts are mad to strengthen this aspect by developing accessible technological solutions that could benefit all community members, especially those who are typically marginalized. Strategies such as development of userfriendly technologies, training and capacity building and inclusive participation are used.
In conclusion, while the project has ambitious goals, it does face several challenges, such as limited direct governmental support, the need for greater private sector involvement, and the complexities of introducing new technologies in traditionally conservative areas. However, the long-term vision of the Emerald Climate Hub is to scale its initiatives to other regions of Zimbabwe and beyond, creating a replicable model for community-driven climate action. By strengthening its foundation of education, technology, and community empowerment, the initiative aims to contribute significantly to global sustainability goals, fostering an environment where communities are quipped to lead their own sustainable developments
by dianafilomeni | May 20, 2024 | Blog, Co-Cities Stories
This chapter focuses on Mexico City, one oof the largest and most diverse cities in the world. It faces a multitude of challenges typical of megacities, from urban inequality to mistrust in politics, it grapples with complex issues that demand innovative solutions. In response to these challenges, the Laboratorio para la Ciudad (Laboratory for the City) emerged as a pioneering initiative in urban governance and innovation.
Laboratorio para la Ciudad, founded in 2013 under the leadership of Gabriella Gomez-Mont, represents a new approach to urban governance, one that does embrace experimentation, collaboration, and citizen participation. It is situated within the Mexico City government but staffed by individuals from diverse backgrounds, the Lab serves as a platform for tackling urban problems through creative and participatory means.
The Lab also offers the opportunity for the city to become a “mega-urban lab”. Overall, it seems that the local government performs a true “enabling role” by endorsing the creation of the Lab, it has built a bridge between civil society and the upper spheres oof government and a space where a variety of actors can collaborate in the design and implementation of innovative public policies. As a result, the enabling state variable can be evaluated as strong.
Within the Lab it is revealed that there is a presence of autonomous institutions, managed or owned by local communities, operating within non-mainstream economic systems, such as collaborative, cooperative, circular economies, for creation of new opportunities and services. The Laboratory aims at fostering social cohesion, resilience, and sustainability, encouraging citizens’ political participation, which are typical purposes of pooling economies.
Laboratorio para la Ciudad has been involved in initiatives related to the “sharing economy”, which can be regarded as the step preceding pooling economy. One example of this is one of the previous pillars of the Lab’s agenda, Ciudad Compartida (Shared City). It promoted the development of a sharing city where knowledge, goods, services, and funds are shared throughout the city. An experiment moving from the question “how the sharing economy can a city’s mobility?” was also carried out.
Furthermore, the Lab on co production, meaning it produces/improves public policies and services through the collaboration among several actors. For instance, the experiment “Nochebus” relaunched the night public transport sector by introducing fixed timetables for each stop and promoting a communication campaign to stimulate the use of such services. The results were achieved through the collaboration between the Lab and, among others, the Mobility Department, the Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, and the urban advertising company IMU.
Nevertheless, if by pooling social and economic resources one means “the presence of different forms of resources pooling and cooperation between five possible actors in the urban environment”, it’s possible to detect some elements of poolism. Indeed, it is evident that all the actors involved in the Lab’s initiatives provide their contribution. Therefore, it could be appropriate to claim that there is a pool of resources in the sense that the Lab enables the creation of a pool of ideas that will then be realized through a pool of economic resources.
There is a presence of a site-specific and iterative bottom-up approach to design legal and policy innovations for the co-governance of the local urban commons. The very aim of the Lab is to carry out policy innovation through urban experiments related to a wide range of topics, from water management to the possible role of drawers in the decision-making process (Disegno para la Ciudad).
The Laboratorio took inspiration from other Labs worldwide like the New Urban Mechanics in Boston, with which it collaborated to launch the first edition of its first project, the Código para la Ciudad. However, it aims at addressing local issues by focusing on Mexico City’s specificity. By trying and iterating, the Lab can detect which is the most appropriate path the government has to follow in tackling a certain issue.
Furthermore, the Lab’s commitment to open access to technology and digital infrastructure plays a crucial role in promoting social justice. Projects like Mejora Tu Barrio CDMX and the Open Government Platform enable marginalized communities to access information and participate in decision-making processes. By providing internet access and support for citizens ho lack digital skills, the Lab ensures that everyone can contribute to shaping the future of their city.
In the evaluation of the Lab’s performance against key principles such as poolism, experimentalism, tech justice, urban collective Governance, and Enabling state, it is evident that while there are areas for improvement, the Lab has made significant strides in promoting innovation and social justice.
Its emphasis on experimentation and iterative approaches allows it to learn from successes and failures, refining its strategies over time. Moreover, its collaboration with diverse stakeholders reflects a commitment to inclusivity and co-creation, essential elements of effective urban governance. Through its innovative projects, collaborative approach, and commitment to social justice, the Lab serves as a model for other cities seeking to address complex urban challenges.
by dianafilomeni | May 8, 2024 | Blog, Co-Cities Stories
This chapter delves into the intricate institutional framework that underpins the CTL’s operations, examining its enabling state, social and economic pooling mechanism, experimentalism, and the integration of tech justice.
It is evident from this case study that the intensity of private-public governance within the Martín Peña Channel Community Land Trust (CLT) begins with collaborative efforts initiated by the San Juan local government. The idea was that the government would empower the Public Transport Authority to spear a comprehensive development project, with participatory methods employed to gain resident cooperation, particularly concerning relocations from the rehabilitated zones. However, this led to residents’ awareness of the potential displacement due to river dredging. Between 2002 and 2004, over 700 activities were organized, fostering flexibility and collective leadership that facilitated dialogue and critical thinking, meanwhile the infrastructural project became integrated into the Proyecto ENLANCE (ENLANCE Project), managed by ENLANCE Corporation.
The governance was further strengthened by the establishment of the G8, which is a formalized meeting among community leaders. Therefore, now ENLANCE Corporation and G8 collaborated on initiatives such riverbank cleaning and environmental education programs, reinforcing the collective approach to the problem-solving. One of the examples that embodies this public-private governance model is the Fideicomiso de la Tierra and its executive board, where Fideicomiso Bard comprises representatives from both the private and public sectors, as well as residents directly impacted by its decisions.
The CTL’s governance structure therefore is characterized by a tripartite leadership model comprising Fideicomiso de la Tierra, ENLANCE Corporation, and G8, each representing a distinct facet of public, private, and community interests. This ensures that the voices of all stakeholders are heard and respected, fostering a sense of ownership and accountability within the community.
While this inclusive structure reflects the CLT’s commitment to shared decision-making and community empowerment, the relationship of the CLT with the stat is integral to its existence with local administration engaging communities in the restructuring process. In this chapter it is shown that the critical state involvement came with the enactment of Law 89-2004, which formalized the core bodies of the CLT and its associated institutions. This law granted perpetual existence and independence to Fideicomiso de la Tierra and insured its autonomy from local government legislation. Similarly, the ENLANCE Corporation, established as a public entity, received land from the local government, and entrusted to Fideicomiso for community development. However, challenges arose when Law 302-2009 threatened Fideicommissa’s control over the acquired lands, which undermines the CLT’s collective ownership model. Therefore, Community mobilization and legal advocacy ultimately led to the repeal of this law and reinforced Fideicommissa’s role in safeguarding residents from displacement.
The CLT’s commitment to social and economic pooling is reflected in its reinvestment of revenues from property sales and rentals into community infrastructure and housing initiatives. In fact, Fideicomiso engages residents in peer-to-peer activities, promoting resource-sharing and collective action for community benefit, and through the acquisition and management of land it provides affordable housing to over 2,000 low-income families. This collaborative approach to resource management fosters sustainability and equitable development ensuring that the benefits of economic growth are shared by all members of the community.
Meanwhile the CLT’s experimentalist approach is evident in its adaptation of the community land trust model to the unique context of an informal settlement. Community-led initiatives such as “Líderes Jóvenes en Acción” (LIJAC) demonstrate resident’s active engagement in governance processes and local service provision from promoting affordable educational materials to establishing community gardens.
Technological integration usually servs as a powerful tool for promoting social justice withing CLT, which facilitates information dissemination. However, CLT’s use if technology is still evolving and residents with internet access typically obtain it through private contracts rather than communal services, the information dissemination occurs primary through face-to-face community meeting, prioritizing personal interactions over digital platforms.
The Martín Peña Channel Community Land Trust represents a testament to the transformative power of shard governance, community empowerment, and collaborative problem-solving, and is a pioneering model of public-private collaboration in urban land management.
